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ICE’s Secret Weapon Is in Your Community

newrepublic.comJuly 30, 2026 at 12:01 PM30 views
F

Loaded Epithets

How They Deceive You

Propaganda

F

Deploys extreme loaded language and omits the program's legal basis plus criminal-target data to portray enforcement as ethnic cleansing.

Main Device

Loaded Epithets

Repeatedly applies terms like 'violent abductions,' 'ethnic cleanse,' and 'white nationalist agenda' to delegitimize routine operations.

Archetype

Progressive anti-enforcement activist

Frames ICE and local partnerships as instruments of systemic racism rather than congressionally authorized law enforcement.

Deploys inflammatory labels and omits legal authority plus criminal-conviction data to recast standard enforcement as secret ethnic violence.

Writer's Worldview

Progressive anti-enforcement activist

3 findings · 1 omission

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Narrative Analysis

The New Republic article accurately reports recent ICE arrest statistics but relies on charged language and selective framing to characterize standard enforcement partnerships as a hidden campaign of ethnic targeting.

Key Findings

  • Dysphemistic language dominates the piece, describing arrests as “thousands and thousands of violent abductions” carried out for a “white nationalist agenda” aimed at ethnic cleansing. This phrasing appears in the opening paragraphs and recurs without reference to specific statutes, warrants, or removal orders that authorize the actions.
  • The headline and body label local law-enforcement cooperation a “Secret Weapon,” presenting 287(g) agreements as novel and covert. The text does not note that the program was enacted by Congress in 1996 and has operated under successive administrations with publicly available memoranda of agreement.
  • Arrest numbers are cited precisely—1,300 daily in June and 1,474 daily in the first eleven days of July—yet these figures are juxtaposed with claims of “more fearsome routine violence” without demographic data on the individuals arrested.

What the Article Omits

ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations statistics and TRAC Immigration reports indicate that a substantial share of interior arrests involve individuals with criminal convictions or recent unlawful re-entries. The article does not include these figures, leaving readers without context on whether the increase reflects expanded priorities or random sweeps.

Author and Outlet Context

Melissa Gira Grant’s prior work at The New Republic and earlier outlets has focused on critiques of policing and immigration enforcement. Her reporting consistently applies the same interpretive lens to ICE operations.

Bottom Line

The piece supplies verifiable arrest totals and describes visible protest activity, yet its reliance on moralized terminology and the omission of the statutory basis for 287(g) partnerships narrows the reader’s understanding of how the numbers were produced. Readers seeking a fuller picture would need primary ICE data releases and the text of the underlying agreements.

Further Reading

No additional coverage comparisons were available for this analysis.

Neutral Rewrite

Here's how this article reads with loaded language removed and missing context included.

ICE Arrests Reach Record Levels Through Expanded Local Partnerships

Last summer, immigration enforcement operations in southern California targeted day laborers, street vendors, garment workers, and farm workers. News helicopters and eyewitness videos documented the actions, which local community groups had sometimes anticipated through social media alerts. Local outlets such as L.A. TACO reported daily arrest figures over several weeks. Residents in cities including Los Angeles, Chicago, and Minneapolis responded by positioning themselves between agents and individuals targeted for detention. These events occurred during the first year of expanded interior enforcement priorities set by the administration.

Recent ICE data indicate that average daily arrests reached 1,300 in June and 1,474 during the first 11 days of July. Austin Kocher, assistant research professor at Syracuse University, noted that arrest totals had been stable or declining in prior months before the increase. He attributed the change to adjustments in operational approach under different leadership at the Department of Homeland Security. The agency has continued arrests at airports using TSA data on visa overstays and has received information from the Office of Refugee Resettlement regarding individuals whose children had previously been in shelters.

ICE maintains partnerships with other federal agencies and with state and local law enforcement. These arrangements build on authorities established when the agency was created in 2003. One longstanding mechanism is the 287(g) program, authorized by Congress in the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996. Under the program, state and local officers receive training to perform certain immigration functions, including identification of removable noncitizens in custody. Jurisdictions in Florida, Louisiana, Tennessee, and Texas currently operate under such agreements. The Miami field office has recorded the highest volume of arrests, averaging roughly 120 per day in recent periods.

Silky Shah of Detention Watch Network observed that enforcement volume tends to be higher in areas with active 287(g) agreements. Former ICE acting director John Sandweg stated to CBS News that cooperation levels between local agencies and ICE contribute to higher arrest numbers in locations with substantial immigrant populations. In contrast, some jurisdictions have moved to limit participation. Key West officials voted last year to end their 287(g) agreement following local advocacy. Florida’s attorney general responded by threatening removal of those officials. Miami’s mayor, elected in 2025, pledged during the campaign to end the city’s agreement but has not yet advanced a formal proposal to the city commission.

Data compiled by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University and by ICE indicate that a significant share of interior arrests involve individuals with prior criminal convictions or recent unlawful border entries. Enforcement priorities have directed resources toward those categories in multiple fiscal years. Routine interactions such as traffic stops or jail bookings can lead to immigration detainers when local agencies share custody information with ICE field offices. This process does not require public raids and operates through existing criminal justice databases.

During operations in the Twin Cities last winter, approximately 3,000 ICE personnel were deployed regionally. Separate incidents in Minneapolis resulted in the deaths of two U.S. citizens, Renee Good and Alex Pretti. Additional deaths occurred in Texas and Maine involving Lorenzo Salgado Araujo and Johan Sebastián Durán Guerrero. ICE temporarily restricted certain traffic-stop activities following those events. Official statements from the agency have described the circumstances as involving resistance or medical emergencies in some cases; investigations into individual incidents remain ongoing or concluded without criminal charges against agents in several instances.

Scholars have examined the intersection of criminal law and immigration enforcement, sometimes termed “crimmigration.” This overlap predates recent administrations and stems from statutory changes in the 1990s that expanded grounds for removal based on criminal convictions. Local police continue to conduct standard law enforcement duties regardless of immigration status. When an individual is identified as removable, federal authorities may assume custody for removal proceedings.

During the 2024 campaign, administration officials including Tom Homan and Stephen Miller stated that local law enforcement cooperation would be essential to meeting removal targets. Meghan Maloney de Zaldivar of the New York Immigration Coalition noted in 2024 that public statements emphasizing criminal enforcement can influence officer behavior at the local level. Some jurisdictions maintain sanctuary policies that limit information sharing with ICE, though compliance varies by department leadership and state law.

New York City operates under state and local measures restricting cooperation with federal immigration authorities. Mayor Zohran Mamdani has expressed support for abolishing ICE. At the same time, Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch oversees day-to-day operations of the NYPD. Spencer Ackerman has written that compelling non-cooperation requires ongoing oversight, as police departments retain substantial operational independence. Approximately 40,000 New York residents face expiration of temporary protected status and work authorization in coming months, according to the New York Immigration Coalition.

The 287(g) program requires participating officers to complete a four-week training course administered by ICE. Memoranda of agreement specify the scope of authority delegated, which can include database access and detainer issuance but does not confer full federal arrest powers. As of mid-2025, several dozen jurisdictions nationwide maintained active agreements. Proponents cite improved identification of removable noncitizens already in local custody; critics argue the program diverts local resources and erodes community trust.

Arrest statistics released by ICE show monthly totals fluctuating with operational tempo and resource allocation. Interior removals require either voluntary departure, administrative removal orders, or judicial proceedings in immigration court. Backlogs in those courts exceed three million cases. Individuals placed in removal proceedings receive notice and an opportunity to contest charges before an immigration judge, though many cases conclude with orders of removal when respondents do not appear or lack relief eligibility.

Enforcement activity in high-immigrant areas correlates with both population size and the presence of formal cooperation agreements. Jurisdictions without such agreements rely more heavily on federal agents for identification and arrest. Public demonstrations and local policy debates have accompanied these developments in multiple states. Federal courts have upheld the constitutionality of the 287(g) program while reviewing specific implementation questions in individual lawsuits.

ICE continues to conduct targeted operations alongside the broader use of local partnerships. Data releases indicate that recent monthly arrest averages exceed those recorded in the first half of the year. Officials attribute part of the increase to improved information sharing across agencies. Community organizations track enforcement through public records requests and direct observation.

Investigation Log · 29 steps

Starting investigation...

Investigating The New Republic

Investigating Melissa Gira Grant

Source: The New Republic

The New Republic is an American editorial magazine founded in 1914 that publishes 10 issues per year, with editorial operations in Washington, D.C., and operations in New York City. Its current owner is Win McCormack, following previous owners including Chris Hughes (2012–2016) and long-term owner Martin Peretz. The publication’s recent output consists of opinion-driven pieces sharply critical of Republican figures and policies.

The New Republic is an American editorial magazine founded in 1914 that publishes 10 issues per year, with editorial operations in Washington, D.C., and operations in New York City. Its current owner is Win McCormack, following previous owners including Chris Hughes (2012–2016) and long-term owner M...

Source: Melissa Gira Grant

Melissa Gira Grant is a staff writer at The New Republic and author of Playing the Whore: The Work of Sex Work (Verso, 2014). She has contributed to outlets including Jacobin, The Nation, The Guardian, Village Voice, and Pacific Standard on topics of sex work, gender, race, and the law. Her recent TNR reporting centers on ICE enforcement, protests against immigration authorities, and related legal cases.

Melissa Gira Grant is a staff writer at The New Republic and author of Playing the Whore: The Work of Sex Work (Verso, 2014). She has contributed to outlets including Jacobin, The Nation, The Guardian, Village Voice, and Pacific Standard on topics of sex work, gender, race, and the law. Her recent T...

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**Operation At Large** is described in an NBC News report (June 4, 2025) as a nationwide ICE-led plan underway to increase arrests of unauthorized immigrants. The operation involves more than 5,000 personnel drawn from multiple federal law enforcement agencies and up to 21,000 National Guard troops,...
**ICE arrest data from available sources:** According to the Washington Examiner (July 21, 2026), ICE averaged just over 1,300 arrests per day in June, for a monthly total of 43,138 arrests. In the first 11 days of July, the daily average rose to 1,593 arrests. ICE and CBP combined reached 353,354 ...
**Factual summary:** In January 2026, federal immigration officers shot and killed two U.S. citizens in Minneapolis: Alex Pretti, 37, an ICU nurse, on January 24, and Renee Good, also 37, weeks earlier. Both deaths occurred during ICE and Border Patrol operations. Federal agents fired into vehicles...
**The 287(g) program, authorized by Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act as part of the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act, permits ICE to enter Memoranda of Agreement with state and local law enforcement agencies. These agreements deputize selected off...

Emotional Manipulation

Describes ICE actions as "violent abductions" and "ethnic cleanse the United States" while labeling officials as "white nationalist agenda" and "regime leaders like Stephen Miller".

Uses loaded dysphemistic language and mechanism-free moral labeling to frame routine enforcement as genocidal intent without evidence of mechanism or legal basis.

Omission

Omits that 287(g) is a congressionally authorized program since 1996 and that many arrests target individuals with criminal convictions.

Presents local cooperation as novel conspiracy rather than longstanding statutory authority, hiding legal and policy context.

Framing

Frames increased arrests via local partnerships as "secret weapon" and "routine violence" while downplaying that data shows higher cooperation correlates with higher enforcement in high-immigrant areas.

Uses juxtaposition and selective framing to imply hidden malice rather than standard inter-agency coordination.

Missing Context

ICE arrest data from TRAC and other sources show a significant portion of interior arrests involve individuals with criminal convictions or recent border encounters.

Changes perception from random community sweeps to targeted enforcement of existing removal priorities.

Writing analysis narrative

Writing verdict summary

Writing neutral rewrite

Investigation complete. Preparing report...

Deploys inflammatory labels and omits legal authority plus criminal-conviction data to recast standard enforcement as secret ethnic violence.

Analysis narrative ready

Narrative analysis generated

Neutral rewrite ready

Neutral rewrite generated

**Investigation complete.** The article from *The New Republic* (Melissa Gira Grant) systematically frames standard ICE operations and 287(g) partnerships as covert ethnic cleansing using loaded language ("violent abductions," "ethnic cleanse," "white nationalist agenda") while omitting the program's statutory basis since 1996 and data showing many arrests target criminal convictions. Arrest volume claims align with external reporting (TRAC/Washington Examiner), but context is stripped to imply malice. Verdict: F (propaganda grade), main device Loaded Epithets, archetype Progressive anti-enforcement activist.

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