Ceasefire Halts Iran War Powers Clock as Congress Defers to Trump

The Trump administration declared on Thursday that its war with Iran has “terminated,” allowing it to sidestep a looming congressional deadline under the War Powers Resolution and raising fresh questions about the limits of presidential war-making power. With the 60-day clock set to expire on Friday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and senior officials insisted that a ceasefire in place since early April has paused or ended the legal requirements for congressional approval, even as the conflict remains in a tense stalemate with no long-term diplomatic resolution.

The administration notified Congress on March 2 that it had launched joint strikes with Israel against Iran, beginning a two-month campaign that has cost 13 American service members’ lives, consumed billions of dollars, and triggered global economic shockwaves. Under the 1973 War Powers Resolution, the president must terminate the use of American forces within 60 days unless Congress authorizes continuation or declares war. That deadline arrives amid a still-closed Strait of Hormuz, spiking oil prices that have strained household budgets worldwide, and no formal peace agreement between Washington and Tehran.

Hegseth made the administration’s position explicit during a heated Senate Armed Services Committee hearing. “We are in a ceasefire right now, which our understanding means the 60-day clock pauses or stops in a ceasefire,” he said. A senior administration official reinforced the argument in multiple briefings, telling reporters that “for War Powers Resolution purposes, the hostilities that began on Saturday, February 28, have terminated” because no shots have been fired since April 7.

Democratic Senator Tim Kaine immediately pushed back. “I do not believe the statute would support that,” he replied. “I think the 60 days runs maybe tomorrow, and it’s going to pose a really important legal question for the administration there.” Legal scholars have long viewed the War Powers Resolution as a congressional attempt to reclaim authority after the Vietnam War, yet presidents of both parties have tested or ignored its constraints. The Trump administration’s novel “ceasefire pause” theory appears to be another such test, offered without seeking any formal extension or vote.

The legal maneuvering came as Senate Democrats forced a sixth vote on a resolution to end the war. Republicans blocked it again, largely along party lines, though two GOP senators, Susan Collins of Maine and Rand Paul of Kentucky, joined Democrats in support. Collins said the president’s authority “is not without limits,” while most of her colleagues deferred to the White House. Senate Majority Leader John Thune indicated no authorization vote was planned, telling reporters he was “listening carefully” but saw no appetite for intervention. The Senate then left town for a week-long recess, effectively punting the issue.

This deference comes at a politically dangerous moment for Republicans. Public frustration has grown over both the human toll and the economic fallout. Gas prices have climbed sharply, and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz has disrupted energy markets from Europe to Asia. Iran’s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, seized on the moment to declare a “shameful defeat” for the United States, while Iranian state media reported air defenses activating in Tehran late Thursday to counter suspected drones. Tehran insists it is now “in the driver’s seat,” even as the U.S. maintains a punishing naval presence in the region.

The stalemate has exposed the limits of Trump’s “maximum pressure” approach in his second term. What began as a bold attempt to neutralize Iran’s nuclear program and regional proxies has settled into a costly standoff. No clear victory has been achieved, yet the administration shows little interest in seeking the congressional buy-in that the law appears to require. Instead, officials point to the absence of active shooting as proof that the war is over, even as diplomats struggle to convert the ceasefire into a durable agreement.

Critics argue this sets a dangerous precedent. By redefining “hostilities” to suit its timeline, the executive branch is once again expanding its war powers at Congress’s expense. The repeated failure of War Powers votes, now six times, underscores the partisan paralysis that has long crippled congressional oversight of military action. Democrats have used the procedural tool to force debate, but without Republican defections they cannot compel policy change.

Meanwhile, the human and strategic costs continue to mount. Families of the 13 fallen service members are left to mourn while lawmakers head home for recess. Global shipping remains disrupted, and oil markets stay volatile. The Trump administration’s claim that the war has simply “terminated” may satisfy its legal team for now, but it leaves unanswered larger questions about accountability, congressional responsibility, and whether another open-ended conflict in the Middle East is being normalized under the cover of a fragile truce.

As the 60-day mark passes without a vote, the administration’s position appears to rest on a bet that neither Congress nor the public will demand a reckoning. That wager may hold in the short term, given Republican reluctance to challenge the president. But with the Strait of Hormuz still blocked, talks stalled, and the human and financial price tags rising, the political and legal pressure is unlikely to dissipate. The test for Trump’s second term is no longer whether he can start a war with Iran. It is whether he can end one without Congress or the law getting in his way.